فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال یازدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 42، زمستان 1401)

The purpose of this article is to examine Russia's approach and practice towards the changing international order. Due to various reasons, especially weakening of the US/ West as dominant force and the emergence of new great agents, including China, the international order is in a state of transition to a new one, and as a result, the ordering mechanisms, communications, trends and issues are changing. For reasons including revisionist discourse, US/Western systemic pressure, ideal of great power and diverse resources, Russia has a claim to be promoted in international power system. This article examines Russia's approach and performance in this field with the help of Power Cycle Theory with qualitative method of content analysis of texts and documents. Emphasizing challenges in transition period and changes in international power system, the theory considers adaptation of relationship between power and role in critical periods of the power cycle, including transition, as a main challenge. In this framework, stressing its independent position as a great power, emphasizing the end of hegemonic order, supporting oligarchy-concert order, with a pragmatic and cautious approach to international order and its regulators, Moscow is to play a more active role in global governance. The findings of the article partially confirm Russia’s claims, but it emphasizes that due to the geo-economic nature of the future order and relationship between economic power and international role in this order, Russia's effectiveness will decrease. Therefore, Iran should pay attention to this fact when calculating long-term relations, including the 20-year contract with Russia.

ince the beginning of the twentieth century, with the rise of the AKP in Turkey, its foreign policy has undergone major changes, and efforts to dismantle its neighbors and peaceful relations with the world have become the strategic focus of Turkey's diplomatic apparatus. In this regard, reconciliation with Syria was on the agenda of foreign policy, and the two sides established extensive economic cooperation. But after the civil war in Syria, Ankara gradually began to support opponents of Bashar al-Assad's regime and its effects on Turkey's internal sphere. This study seeks to examine the domestic implications of Turkey's foreign policy in Syria using the Boomerang conceptual and conceptual model. The findings of the study show that AKP politicians intensified control and censorship in Turkish society after interfering with Turkish internal affairs, and with the elimination of the voices of dissidents and critics, they sought to expand authoritarianism. In this sense, Turkey not only failed to achieve its goals in Syria, but also faced domestic crises that systematically altered the effects of the boomerang effect on the functioning of the Turkish government and interior.

The transition from high politics to low politics, rising the importance of socio-cultural forces in policy-making on one hand, and considering minorities as transnational identity, on the other hand, leads to analyzing the influence of ethnic minorities in foreign policy. However, the depth of ignoring minorities went so much that has been considered a culture-averse issue. Despite the cultural globalization and seating on the third level of politics, the readers of international relations consider this social force as a by-product of mutual relations between the processes of state-building and anarchic structure. However, ethnicity is essentially a political issue. But the changing system of foreign policymaking in the post-cold war era has not only provided ethnic pluralism affected by lobbying groups but also encouraged the ethnic minorities to influence policymaking. In other words, the internationalization of domestic politics as the products of ethnic activities and the evolution of communicative technologies led to the qualitative activities of ethnic minorities. However, the under-representation of ethnic groups led to political issues. Thus, this paper tries to explain the relations between ethnic minorities and foreign policy. According to the main hypothesis, political and democratic representation in decision-making will compensate for this gap. Finally, by applying the theory of sociology of pluralism, this paper will employ the analytic method to test the mentioned hypothesis.

In recent years, European societies and the United States have witnessed the rise of populism and its rapid expansion. In the meantime, the issue of Britain's exit from the European Union (Brexit) has been highlighted as part of the broad wave of populism. Many analyzes have been done regarding the issue of Brexit, which mainly focused on the consequences of Brexit. In this research, an attempt has been made to examine the effects of globalization from various cultural, economic, security and political dimensions effective in the growth of populism, in addition to other causes and factors influencing the growth of populism and the realization of Brexit, which have been neglected in many analyses. to pay Therefore, this article answers the question, which factors have been effective in the growth of nationalist populism and the realization of Brexit in Britain? which in response to the main hypothesis of the research is that the economic, cultural, political and security crises, the issue of immigration and social gaps caused by globalization, transatlantic relations, the superiority of identity and historical cultural heritage, nationalism with social forces as factors They have been effective in the growth of nationalist populism, especially in the realization of Brexit in the United Kingdom. Qualitative research method, causal explanation type and data collection method, a library by using various sources while rereading theoretical concepts about populism tries to clarify the fields of growth of nationalist populism and its role in the realization of Brexit.

With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the United States gained global supremacy as a great power. But the developments in the international arena, especially the rise of emerging powers such as China, caused America to face serious challenges in the distribution of its power in the Eastern Hemisphere. China has become an influential actor in the international system and is seeking to expand its political and security influence in the world, especially in the Indo-Pacific area, by using its economic power. This issue is not acceptable for the Washington government, which has many strategic interests in this region. Therefore, the strategy of the United States to restrain China's power has appeared in the form of buck passing strategy in the Indo-Pacific region and India, among America's allies, has been able to play a role as one of Washington's main allies due to its special position in this region. This research seeks to answer the question of how India plays a role in America's buck passing strategy in the Indo-Pacific region? In response to this question that has been investigated with an explanatory-formative method and library research tools; the hypothesis and findings of the research show that the United States in order to strengthen the American buck passing was trying to build multilateral alliances with India through investment, bilateral trade, bilateral and multilateral alliances, signing military-security agreements, etc.

The subject of this article is to investigate the political culture of two categories of reformist and fundamentalist parties in Iran, in order to determine the distance or proximity of the main parties of Iran to the global model of political parties. The main question is, "To what extent does the political culture of the reformist and fundamentalist parties in Iran correspond with the political culture that governs the universal and ideological parties?". The theoretical framework of the research consists of the theory of Almond and Verba in the field of political culture and the theory of Otto Kirschheimer and David Apter in the field of ideological and catch-all parties. The research method is quantitative content analysis. The statistical population includes the videos related to the election debates of the presidential candidates in the seventh, eighth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth periods and documents related to the approvals of the Islamic Council in the sixth, seventh and eleventh periods. The findings show that the reformist parties believe in and are committed to the universal political culture of global parties and are close to the principles of democracy. On the opposite point, the fundamentalist faction, in terms of election slogans, are largely within the framework of catch-all parties, but in the field of action and approval of approvals, like the second generation of parties, i.e., ideological parties, they adhere to their ideological orientation.

This study aims to evaluate the attitudes of China and the United Stated to the concept of human rights. Then, an attempt has been made to address the human rights policies of the two countries from 2017 to 2020. This article used descriptive and explanatory method. The research’s question is: What human rights attitude did China and the United States adopt from 2017 to 2020? The following hypothesis is proposed in response to this question: The United States of America, as the leader of the Western world and the liberal front of human rights, had an instrumental perspective on human rights by adopting pragmatism and realism attitudes in foreign policy in the mentioned period. In other words, human rights were marginalized for the Trump Administration. However, the Chinese state under the leadership of Xi Jinping interpreted the concept of human rights as emphasizing the principles of national sovereignty, non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, and cultural relativism. They also consider human rights as an internal issue and based on the cultural and national contexts of each country. The findings of this study indicate that Trump's human rights policy led to the attenuation of liberal human rights, so that liberal institutions, groups, and parties were weakened and marginalized in the world. However, the success of China's development model and the alignment of the human rights and attitudes of this country with many developing and authoritarian countries promoted and enforced illiberal human rights worldwide

The world has changed tremendously in recent years. International relations are no exception. To understand these developments and analyze or criticize them, first, we must know the current state of international relations. In recent years, the debate on the liberal world order and its future is very hot. In this regard, this research focuses on the "liberal order of the world" that forms an important part of the present history of international relations. Granting to this topic, this question raises What are the characteristics of the present liberal world order? This question itself causes further questions; What are the mechanisms of applying the power of the liberal order in international relations? And whether the liberal world order is in crisis? The argument of the research is that the liberal narrative of order was formed and expanded from the beginning in the context of disciplinary power, and after the Cold War, it has entered the stage of bio- power in international relations. In this regard, this research Foucault's approach to power and with the method of genealogy, it answers the problems and questions raised.

The September 11 incident and the importance of terrorism forced countries to deal seriously with this issue and security threat. The United States of America and Russia, as two superpowers in the west and east of the international system, have always announced their anti-terrorist positions and have taken many practical measures to deal with terrorism in foreign policy and in the areas under their influence. Based on this, the upcoming article is an attempt to analyze and investigate the anti-terrorist approach of America and Russia, and comparing the anti-terrorist strategies and policies of these two countries is the main goal of this research. The present study, with descriptive-analytical method, seeks to answer the question, "What is the process of the US and Russia facing terrorism and their anti-terrorist performance in different regions, and on what basis is it based?" "The hypothesis of the research is that "America and Russia do not have the same anti-terrorist approach due to different perceptions, and there are many differences in the strategic positions of the two countries in the field of adopting regional strategies and policies to fight terrorism". The method of data collection is library and internet sources and evaluation of American and Russian national security documents.The findings of the research indicate that due to the hermeneutic and dynamic nature of terrorism, Russia and the United States do not have the same definition and understanding of this phenomenon, and they differ in determining the examples of terrorism and how to deal with it

Today, democracy has been proposed as the most desirable way of political life, and all political systems benefit from the label of democracy in order to gain legitimacy and continue their existence, and by creating some democratic political institutions, they claim such legitimacy and legitimacy. Despite this, every thinker tries to provide a specific definition of it. In this essay, we try to examine democracy in the opinions and thoughts of Dr. Ali Shariati as a religious intellectual, in the framework of Skinner's hermeneutic methodology. In his thoughts, Shariati focuses on two types of democracy: one is free democracy and the other is committed democracy. Free democracy is the one that comes to work with the people's vote and has no commitment other than what the people want. Democracy is committed to the government of a group that wants to transform people, people's vision, people's language and culture, social relations and people's living standards and the form of society and drive it to its best form based on a progressive revolutionary program. By presenting a different understanding and interpretation of democracy, under the title of committed democracy, which is based on the mechanism emerging from the totality of "modern Shia Islam", he had a significant impact on the intellectual and political discourses of the revolutionary currents leading to the 1357 revolution.

In the current research, with an explanatory approach, the administrative interaction of the Abbasid caliphate with religious minorities (Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian) will be investigated, relying on the religious minority officials and their presence in various administrative and political positions. The main goal of the research is to understand the limitations and obstacles on the path of the major religious minorities in the Islamic society, how can the interaction between the Abbasid caliphs and the minorities be justified and what path can be envisioned for this interaction. To explain this issue, the administrative aspect of the presence of religious minorities in the Abbasid caliphate system has been focused on. The current research is based on the descriptive-analytical method. The method of collecting information, according to the logic of historical research, is in the form of a library. In the present research, the ethical aspects of library study, including the authenticity of texts, honesty and trustworthiness, have been observed. The research shows that each of the Abbasid caliphs, based on the political interests and social conditions of his time, began to formulate and implement specific policies and was not necessarily limited to the teachings of the Qur'an and the life of the Messenger of God (PBUH) and the rightly caliphs. Therefore, it can be said that the policies and the manner of interaction of each of the Abbasid caliphs with religious minorities (Christian, Zoroastrian and Jewish) were different according to the religious, social and political interests of the time.